Sunday, 12 October 2014

Opinion: Leader of Opposition and the Speaker's Decision- Part I

Office of the Leader of Opposition and the 10% Rule

The post is a brief part of the paper published in Economic and Political Weekly, Volume 49, Issue 37, 2014 (September 13) accessible at http://www.epw.in/commentary/10-rule-and-lop.html.

Introduction
The conclusion of 16th General Elections with the Bhartiya Janata Party securing a clear majority with 282 seats,[1] and forming an NDA Government at the Centre, led to a great deal of interest in seats secured by other parties.[2] That interest is astonishingly with respect to a legal question as to whether the Congress party that secured the next highest number of seats in the Lok Sabha,[3] i.e. 44 can provide for a leader of opposition on its own, since it is debated that the requirement to make a leader of opposition requires a minimum of 10% seats of the lower house to be secured by a political party. The office of Leader of opposition is not a Constitutional office in the sense that it has not been created by the Constitution and owes its existence to Parliamentary convention according to which he is Leader of the largest recognized opposition party in the House.[4]
In this blog, I would analyse the decision of the current speaker on the issue and whether the previous conventions are relevant in light of an express provision.

I. Indian Central Law Pertaining to Leader of Opposition
Until 1969, the practice followed in the Rajya Sabha was to call the Leader of the party in Opposition having the largest number of the members as the Leader of the Opposition, without according him any formal recognition, status or privilege.[5] Prior to the 1977 General Elections to the Lok Sabha, except for a brief spell of one year (December 1969- December 1970), there had been no official ‘Opposition’ in the sense the term is used in the parliamentary system of Government.[6]
But since the enactment of Salary and Allowances of Leaders of Opposition in Parliament Act 1977 (hereinafter “the Act”), the Leaders of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha and the Lok Sabha are now accorded statutory recognition and given salary and certain other facilities and amenities,[7] which defines “Leader of Opposition” as that member of the Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha as the case may be, who is for the time being the Leader in that House of the party in opposition to the Central Government having (a) the greatest numerical strength and (b) recognised as such by the Speaker of the House of People or the Chairman of the Council of States as the case may be.[8]

II. Speaker’s Decision
The address the issue, the speaker of the current Lok Sabha Sumitra Mahajan decided that the appointment to the position of the leader of opposition requires the 10 percent rule.[9] The Speaker is right in noting the precedents of 1980 and 1984 Lok Sabha, which did not have a leader of opposition, since the second largest party in 1980 being the Lok Dal (Janata Secular) and in 1984 being the Telegu Desam Party secured 41 and 30 seats respectively.

Can Conventions Supersede the Statutory Provision
The decision of the speaker raises another question that can the above- mentioned instances be termed as conventions and what would be their scope in the presence of the express provisions of the Act? Conventions are non- legal rules regulating the way in which legal rules shall be applied.[10] In Supreme Court AoR Association,[11] the Court explained the scope of convention (in context of the Constitution) as to fill up the gaps, solve problems of interpretation since a great deal may be left unsaid. Therefore, conventions are to supplement the legislation for convenience,[12] and cannot supplant it, and holding tradition of 10 percent rule to be mandatory is tantamount to supplanting the express provision of greatest numerical strength in the Act, since in case there is less than 10 percent MPs of largest opposition, the greatest numerical strength provision is rendered redundant.

Conclusion
While the central law defining the ‘leader of opposition’ is specific with respect to who is to be accorded such status, it is submitted the argument that there is 10 % rule is not substantiated by any such inference from these laws. The Leaders and Chief Whips of Recognized Parties and Groups in Parliament (Facilities) Act 1998 does not explicitly mention about any such 10% rule and the fixed minimum number to required to accord the status of a ‘recognized party’, i.e., 55 has nothing to do with the definition of leader of opposition in the Act 1977. The Act crystallizes what the framers of the Constitution contemplated that the provision of salaries can be made whenever the need for opposition is recognized. The provision of recognition by the speaker is pertinent to be satisfied, but it is submitted that the satisfaction of the 10% rule is something that may be merely, at most, a convention not binding on the Speaker, which in light of the necessity of opposition in Assemblies should be not adhered to.
It is submitted that (a) if the speaker is allowed the power to recognize, then it can not allow leader of opposition to be selected even if the largest minority has more 10% seats and (b) allowing such power to speaker to be exercised undermines the qualification of maximum minority, so that even if the party is the largest minority it still cannot be recognized. In my view, the recognition of speaker is only to put an official authorization to the selection of the leader of the opposition and as seen in the debates to the Constituent Assembly, where no one objected to there being a leader of opposition but preferred that the Parliament can provide for Salaries to them in future. So, the Act 1977 cannot be meant to only provide for salaries and not recognize the requirement for a leader of opposition.
In the words of Mills, “there is the greatest difference between presuming an opinion to be true, because, with every opportunity for contesting it, it has not been refuted, and assuming its truth for the purpose of not permitting its refutation.”[13] Since, it is the duty of governments, to form opinions to take actions, the only way they can know that their opinion is right is if complete liberty of contradicting and disproving the opinion is given and is there is any error it can be corrected only by discussion and debate, for the purposes of which the office of Leader of opposition assumes extreme importance.



[1] http://eciresults.nic.in/, accessed on 26th May 2014 at 2:51 PM.
[2] http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/lok-sabha-elections-2014/news/Taking-a-dig-at-Congress-Modi-says-non-NDA-parties-may-have-to-form-alliance-for-opposition-status/articleshow/35270766.cms, accessed on 24th May 2014 at 12:03 PM.
[3] http://eciresults.nic.in/, accessed on 26th May 2014 at 2:51 PM.
[4]Kailash Nath Singh Yadav v. Speaker, Vidhan Sabha, Lucknow and Anr, AIR 1993 All 334.
[5] http://rajyasabha.nic.in/rsnew/council_state/council_state.asp, accessed on 26th May 2014 at 6:51 PM.
[6] http://164.100.47.132/LssNew/our%20parliament/Folder01.pdf, accessed on 26th May 2014 at 7:51 PM.
[7]Salary and Allowances of Leaders of Opposition in Parliament Act 1977 §§ 3 and 4.
[8]Ibid, § 2.
[9] http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Speaker-rules-out-leader-of-opposition-post-for-Congress-in-Lok-Sabha/articleshow/40447372.cms, accessed on 23rd August 2014.
[10]  Prof. K.C. Wheare, “The Statute of Westminster and Dominion Status” (4th edition).
[11] Supreme Court Adovcates on Record Association and Ors. v. Union of India, JT (1993) 5 SC 479.
[12] SR Bommai and Ors v UOI, AIR 1994 SC 1918, ¶ 311.
[13] John Stuart Mill, ‘On Liberty’, Chapter 2.

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